What does sex mean to you? I’m a sex educator – here’s why I don’t define it at all

Well actually
What does sex mean to you? I’m a sex educator – here’s why I don’t define it at all

Fri 22 May 2026 18.00 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/wellness/2026/may/22/definition-of-sex-educator

I’m a sex educator . At the beginning of each of my classes, I ask a seemingly simple question: “What is sex?”

Some people might think it’s my job to answer that question. I do give accurate and inclusive information about sexual health, relationships and identity. But I don’t tell you what to do with that information or what value to assign that information.

For instance, sometimes I teach people about dental dams, and they say they will never use one. Sometimes, I talk about boundary setting in romantic relationships, only to have students tell me their friendships are much more important.

In my professional experience, no matter how much exposure you’ve had to information about sexuality, investigating your ideas about it can be fruitful.

I work with high school students, who often ask a variation on: “Does it count if you have oral sex?” Like many other sex educators, I resist the idea of a “body count”, or keeping track of how many people you’ve had sex with, as there’s no inherent value related to how much or how little sex you’ve had.

But I hear the real question bubbling beneath the surface: “ Could sex be more expansive than what I thought it was?”

What is sex, anyway?

At the start of our discussion, students regularly regurgitate mainstream definitions like “a penis going into a vagina” or “intimacy between a man and a woman”.

In response, I offer prompts like “What things have to happen for something to count as sex?” or “Does penetration always have to be a part of sex?” or “Could masturbation be a type of sex?”

As various opinions emerge, we start to move away from a universally agreed upon interpretation of sex – and students notice how something they thought was clear to everyone is actually more complicated.

Even when it comes to concepts like abstinence and virginity, there isn’t a uniform definition. Some people may abstain from any genital contact, apart from cleaning; others might engage in anal intercourse, but not vaginal intercourse, says sex educator and curriculum writer Dr Bianca Laureano.

This variety in how we understand sex, or the lack thereof, is all the more reason why I don’t use any one definition of sex. That’s why, when students ask “Does it count as real sex if I [insert behavior]?” I don’t respond outright. I reiterate that if it’s consensual and enjoyable, what “counts” as sex is up to only you to decide.

If there’s no definition of sex, isn’t the word useless?

For those who are cautiously curious about the idea that there is no “real” definition of sex, I get it.

We’re exposed from a young age to explicit and implicit messaging around what sex is. Think about the formative moments where you first heard sex being talked about, like in a TV show, or at church or by a middle school teacher. (Of course, there are also certain situations where a precise legal definition of sex will apply.)

For many, initial encounters with the concept likely revolved around penis-in-vagina (PIV) penetration between a man and a woman. We then categorize and process all other information around this reference point.

It’s understandable that creating your own understanding of sex could be intimidating. But there’s also so much you could be missing out on. Using a singular definition of sex indirectly affirms that there is a right and a wrong way to have sex, and right and wrong roles to play during sex. Such scripts might be accessible and familiar, but can be ultimately unfulfilling or even harmful if presented as having no alternative.

If you feel most connected to a partner and yourself via massage or some other type of erotic touch, who says that can’t be sex?

If I just teach the dominant understanding of what sex is, I’m not painting the full picture. That would exclude, for instance, explaining how to reduce STI risk for non-PIV sex. I would also be asserting that people aren’t experts on their own bodies – which they are.

Dr Varuna Srinivasan, a physician turned public health expert and writer, uses the word “friction” to describe how a lack of self-autonomy can show up in the tension between someone’s personal ideas of sex and what they have been told sex should be. Have you ever thought that you might want to experience sex that doesn’t fit the traditional definition?

What’s another way to think about sex?

People often think sex has to involve factors like orgasm, another partner or penetration to be “valid”. And while sex can absolutely include those things, it doesn’t have to.

Dr Damon Constantinides, a sex therapist who specializes in working with queer and trans people, says a pleasure-centered perspective can guide people to think more expansively about sex. Thinking about sex as pleasure allows for a “more open and less rigid” interpretation, says Constantinides: “There is space for people to decide for themselves what sex is and gain insight into what they enjoy and what they want.”

This means, unlike the infamous baseball metaphors – think your teenage peers referencing “first base”, “second base” and so on – there doesn’t have to be a specific goal or outcome for something to qualify as sex, just one (or more) people who are doing things that make them feel good.

Of course, not all things that are pleasurable need to equate to sex. For instance, enjoying your favorite song can be satisfying in its own right, in a non-sexual way – leisure as opposed to pleasure.

To provoke more aligned and imaginative exploration of what sex means to you, Srinivasan suggests inventorying how you currently care, use and love your body. From there, it’s easier to identify the ways you already experience sexual pleasure that might live beyond mainstream definitions of sex.

Isn’t it confusing if everyone has a different understanding of sex?

Knowing everyone thinks about sex differently might be overwhelming. But the reality is sex already exists outside a traditional definition.

How we each think about and have sex is as diverse as the human species itself, Srinivasan says. Are you totally sure your definition of sex precisely aligns with other people’s? The next time you’re with your friend, your sibling, your lover, get into the weeds of what constitutes sex – you might be surprised.

Resisting a singular definition of sex may seem vague, but that’s kind of the point. When it comes to relationships and identities, we have unique perspectives, values and experiences we’re seeking out. Learning about these differences can make our relationships much stronger.

Divergent understandings of sex doesn’t mean anyone is wrong. “It’s saying, that person interprets it differently than me,” says Laureano. Being exposed to other definitions helps you cultivate empathy, and encourages a sexual culture where we’re more inclined to communicate; individuals can “be clear about what it is that they want to experience and articulate that”, Laureano says.

The more opportunities you have to set expectations around sex, the more you can discuss consent and boundaries, and recognize experiences you may not want.

What are the benefits of defining sex on our own terms?

Redefining what sex means to you isn’t just for the high school students I work with. It can happen – and does – at any age. Maybe you’ve just come out as queer, are newly disabled or a new parent. Maybe the way you’ve been having sex simply isn’t fulfilling.

Individual benefits include more pleasurable, exciting and aligned sex – and also each individual having more power over their own experience and body.

Self-definitions in sex can be a form of liberation, particularly for Black women and femmes who’ve faced a long history of sexual violence and disempowerment, says Dr Wendasha Jenkins Hall, a sexuality researcher and educator: “We had labels put on us of being hypersexual, being lewd and lascivious, and our bodies really were not our own.”

When you can construct your own meanings around sex, you learn more about yourself, your desires and how you interact with the world. We already create our own meaning in other areas of our lives, so why not sex too? Who knows what part of you is waiting to be unearthed?

Maya Walsh-Little is a queer sex educator in New York City

Hull City 1-0 Middlesbrough: Championship playoff final – as it happened

Championship
Hull City 1-0 Middlesbrough: Championship playoff final – live reaction
Scott Murray
Sat 23 May 2026 19.18 CESTFirst published on Sat 23 May 2026 15.00 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/football/live/2026/may/23/hull-city-v-middlesbrough-championship-playoff-final-live

Oli McBurnie is asked about his omission from the Scotland World Cup squad, and tells Sky: “Football is a game of opinions … I felt I gave myself as good a chance as I could to get into the squad … that’s the manager’s decision and at the end of the day I have to respect that … some of them boys in that squad are my best friends in football … so I’ll be supporting them from [big smile begins to play across his face] a warm, sunny place with a beer, hoping they go as far as they can!”

Harry Maguire’s PR team can copy and paste that for free.

Hull boss Sergej Jakirović talks to Sky Sports. “It’s an amazing feeling … we did it … we suffered a lot all the game … they are very happy with the ball … they didn’t get great chances … we agreed that [Oli McBurnie] would score 15 goals [he’s scored 25 this season] … since my first meeting [with owner Acun Ilıcalı] we clicked … he wanted to take me immediately … 100 percent support … without his trust we cannot do anything … I think they already have a player list for the Premier League … they know what I need for our football style … our main aim is 4-3-3 … sometimes we adapt … we are on the same page … Monday is open bus!”

As for what his players imbibe during this evening’s celebrations: “I am not a police officer … if there is a problem on the pitch then it’s a problem … I don’t care about private life at all.”

Post-match postbag. “Finally! A result no-one can argue with. Congratulations Hull!” – Daniel King

“Well, that was a giggle. I was born in Hull in the winter of 1963 as my parents were snowed in there for a few weeks and couldn’t get home. I’ve never been back. So I’m naturally delighted” – Bob Kurac

“The 1985 DFB-Pokal final is not only an important moment in the history of Krefeld, but also represents the career peak of one of Iceland’s greatest footballers, Lárus Guðmundsson, who played for Bayer Uerdingen. I’m a fan of VfB since I was a boy thanks to another of Iceland’s greatest footballers, Ásgeir Sigurvinsson, who was the creative hub of the great Stuttgart side of the 80s. I’ve been trying to focus on other things today than the final, but a chance to get one over on Bayern is hard to keep out one’s mind” – Kári Tulinius

Poor Middlesbrough , who still haven’t won a game at Wembley. It’s now a six-visit run that stretches back to the 1990 Full Members’ Cup final, when they were beaten 1-0 by Chelsea. They’ve since drawn 1-1 with Leicester in the 1997 League Cup final (going on to lose a replay at Hillsborough); lost the 1997 FA Cup final 2-0 to Chelsea; lost the 1998 League Cup final, again 2-0 to Chelsea; the 2015 play-off final, 2-0 to Norwich; and now this. Just the one goal scored in all that time, by Fabrizio Ravanelli against Leicester. Meanwhile it’s now three play-off final wins out of three for Hull.

A big smile on Lewie Coyle’s face now, as he traipses up the Wembley stairs, receives his medal, points to the sky, waves to his family, and eventually hoists the play-off trophy! Their goalscoring hero stands beside Coyle and hollers in delight. Their popular coach Sergej Jakirović arrives to wave the silverware about too. Acun Ilıcalı behind them hugging everyone in sight. Steve Gibson obviously not so cheerful, but he’s sportingly remained in situ to watch Hull pick up their prize and celebrate. Hull City are promoted to the Premier League!

Hull captain Lewie Coyle gives an emotional interview to Sky. “It’s tough … there’s just one man I want to celebrate with … he’s not with us … I look up to the sky in every game … I had a little look up there today … he’s with me … I don’t think there’s many people who thought I could captain a side to the Premier League … even saying it out loud seems a little bit wild … there’s certainly one man who would have believed in me and that’s my old man … he would have been saying ‘You can do it son, fuck ‘em!’ and I know I swore and I shouldn’t and I apologise but I had to get it in there because that was the way my old man spoke … he got us over the line today.”

At which point Oli McBurnie comes over to give his skipper a kiss. Given everything they’ve been put through this week, and on the pitch today, Hull will deserve their party tonight.

The match-winner Oli McBurnie talks to Sky Sports. “For the first time ever I think I’m speechless … it’s been a long hard season … that game today sums us up … we knew we weren’t going to have all of the ball … we’ve not won a game this season when we’ve had more of the ball than the opposition … so it was tough out there with the heat … Middlesbrough are a top, top team … we felt we’d have one chance … it was written for me to get it … I was knackered so I just tried to get a good contact … it’s popped up for me … I was looking forward to this game so much I couldn’t sleep … I’m just delighted … I can’t speak highly enough of the lads.”

Hull dance in delight! Oli McBurnie mobbed, the hero of the piece! In the posh seats, Hull owner Acun Ilıcalı holds his hands to his mouth, barely able to comprehend the moment. Eventually he goes over to his Boro counterpart Steve Gibson, who offers him congratulations with a warm smile and a hug. That’s a lovely sporting gesture. Meanwhile on the pitch, poor Sol Brynn is inconsolable. Hayden Hackney in tears as well. Could this be his last game for his boyhood club?

FULL TIME: Hull City 1-0 Middlesbrough

Hull City are back in the Premier League!


90 min +14: … but it comes to nothing. And still we play on. Crooks looks to make sure with a shot from the edge of the box, but that’s blocked. No matter, though, because …

90 min +13: But it’s not! And Ayling is about to launch a hail Mary from distance …

90 min +12: A free kick for Boro in the centre circle. Brynn goes up, desperate for redemption. Brittain whacks it long. Too long. Goal kick. That should be that.

90 min +11: Ajayi deals with a couple of crosses, then the flag goes up for offside. Hull so close now!

90 min +10: Boro can’t get anything going. A close-up of poor Brynn, who utters a clear and unambiguous EFF word. Delight for Hull, who have come on strong in these final stages; such a shame it’s required a fall guy to decide the game. Let’s concentrate on Hirakawa’s wingplay and McBurnie’s poaching skills instead.

90 min +8: … while Hull replace Slater and Coyle with Lundstram and McNair.

90 min +7: Boro replace Targett and Browne with Ibeh and Sarmiento.

90 min +6: That was fine wingplay by Hirakawa, who has been a thorn in Boro’s side down this left flank since coming on. But it was dreadful handling by poor Brynn, who looks utterly bereft. McBurnie is booked for his celebration. Like he’ll care. Why isn’t he going to the World Cup with Scotland again?!

GOAL! Hull City 1-0 Middlesbrough (McBurnie 90+5)

Hirakawa advances down the left again. He’s been a constant threat. He sends a low cross into the centre. Brynn gets down to meet it, but can only cushion the ball into the path of McBurnie, who lashes home from six yards! Wembley erupts! McBurnie takes off his shirt and races away! Brynn crumbles to the floor in despair.


90 min +4: Hughes is fine to continue.

90 min +3: Hughes gets the proper once-over.

90 min +2: Brittain and Hackney combine well down the right, a couple of back-and-forths up and down the channel, but can’t quite open Hull up. Ajayi batters the ball clear … and straight into his team-mate Hughes. On comes the physio.

90 min: Whittaker drifts in from the left and aims for the top-left corner, but slices his shot wildly out of play, miles wide left of the target. There will be eight additional minutes.

89 min: Some space for Morris, 30 yards out. He tries his luck but the shot slams into the nearest amber shirt, the nanosecond the ball leaves his boot.

87 min: Hughes and Hansen are lectured by the referee for some off-the-ball shoving. There’s no real aggression from either player, just petulance.

86 min: Hirakawa advances down the left and wedges a cross towards the far post. McBurnie’s not there. But Hull are beginning to get on top during these closing stages.

84 min: Hirakawa drives down the middle towards the Boro box. Morris arrives from nowhere to take the ball off him, just before the Hull sub can get close enough to shoot.

82 min: Coyle loops a cross in from the left. Targett looks to have it covered at the far post, but Gelhardt scuttles around him and, on the turn, hooks a shot across the face of goal and wide of the left-hand post. Brynn was beaten all ends up. That was fine opportunism from Gelhardt. Something out of next to nothing.

80 min: Hackney slips a pass down the inside-left channel to release Hansen into the box! Hansen opens his body and sidefoots goalwards, but it’s straight at Pandur, who nevertheless has to make a superb reaction save to divert the ball across the face of goal and inches wide of the right-hand post. Then the flag goes up, correctly, for offside.

79 min: Hackney drops deep and nearly releases Brittain with a probing diagonal pass. It’s cut out by Hughes, just in time.

77 min: Hull make a double change before the restart. Hirakawa and Drameh come on for Giles and Belloumi.

75 min: McGree can’t continue, though small mercies, at least he’s able to amble off without limping too much. Hansen takes his place.

74 min: The physio comes on. As McGree gets the once-over, it’s a chance for the players to take on more fluid.

73 min: McGree overstretches for a loose ball and goes down clutching the back of his left leg. He immediately looks over to the bench with a defeated grimace, before covering his eyes. The poor chap’s day looks over.

72 min: Targett crosses low from the left, but with Whittaker lurking, Egan hooks clear. “I’m with Daniel King, from the pre-match blog,” announces Jeremy Boyce, “in so much as Hull City should put up or shut up as regards legal action. They’ve got an unexpected chance at the biggest money-spinner they could imagine, claimed on the last day of the season, and they’re complaining, threatening legal action ? The trawlermen would be most aggrieved, they gave all and never questioned. Grow up, enjoy your day, play footie, may the better team team win.”

70 min: Hackney takes to the pitch for the first time since March. He’s warmly greeted as he replaces Strelec.

69 min: Drinks break!

67 min: McGree juggles himself into a spot of space, 30 yards out, and pings a pass wide right for Whittaker, who enters the box and attempts to jink past Giles. He can’t do it, and the ball clanks off him and out for a goal kick. Neat play by McGree, though, with that elegant spin.

65 min: The pace drops once again … though a roar goes up anyway, as the Boro fans spot Hackney getting stripped to come on.

63 min: Hull make the first change. Millar is replaced by Gelhardt.

62 min: Ajayi into a bit of space on the right. There are amber shirts in the middle, so it’s a bit of a disappointment when he larrups a wild cross miles over the bar.

61 min: Whittaker slips a ball down the middle for McGree, whose shot from the edge of the box is blocked. Hull counter, Belloumi cutting in from the right and taking a whack that flies straight at Brynn. Suddenly, a lot better from both sides.

59 min: Middlesbrough slip back into passive possession. There’s been no real rhythm to this match. No real story threatening to unfold.

New breed of political prisoner arises in Britain as anti-protest sentences rise

UK criminal justice
New breed of political prisoner arises in Britain as anti-protest sentences rise
Haroon Siddique
Sat 23 May 2026 18.00 CESTLast modified on Sat 23 May 2026 18.02 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/law/2026/may/23/anti-protest-sentences-rise-england-wales-political-prisoners

Britain has created a new breed of political prisoners through the systematic incarceration of people acting to prevent climate breakdown and the annihilation of Gaza, a report claims.

The research by Queen Mary University of London (QMUL) and the protest group Defend Our Juries says that custodial sentences for acts of direct action or civil disobedience were once rare but are now being imposed with increasing length and frequency.

Their report, which will be launched on Tuesday, points to an increase in anti-protest legislation in England and Wales, police powers and civil law injunctions brought by corporations and public bodies as well as judges removing legal defences and “exceptionally long” sentences.

In what they say is the first analysis of the jailing of “Britain’s new political prisoners”, the researchers identified 286 cases involving climate and Palestine-solidarity activists who were sent to prison for protest for a total amount of jail time of 136 years.

The average detention period in the 256 cases for which data was available was 28 weeks, with one in three protesters jailed for six months or more and one in five for more than a year.

David Whyte, the report’s co-author and professor of climate justice at QMUL, said: “These are exceptional sentences that are being used to apply to protests which are themselves profoundly political.

“So it’s clear that extreme sentences and the level of remand detentions [before trial] at an extreme level are being used to respond to one category of prisoners and that’s prisoners who’ve been detained because they’ve been involved in civil disobedience, direct action as a result of political protest. So there is something going on which is profoundly political. Very often those protesters are reflecting majority rather than a minority view.”

The report describes remand as “the first line of attack”, with the effect of chilling protest and civil disobedience. The researchers found that in 60% of cases, final sentences were more lenient than time already spent in custody awaiting trial. They highlight the “Filton 24”, who were charged with offences connected to a Palestine Action direct action protest at a factory near Bristol run by the Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit Systems.

The accused spent up to 18 months in jail – the standard pre-trial limit is six months – before all but one were bailed after the first set of six defendants were cleared of aggravated burglary. Two out of those six were subsequently acquitted of criminal damage. Eighteen more defendants due to stand trial over the events at Filton still face other charges.

Contempt of court, where there is no jury trial, was found to account for 40% of cases of imprisonment. Contempt charges either arise from the conduct of a defendant in the courtroom, including where an order of a judge is breached (8% of total imprisonment cases), or where a civil injunction obtained by a private company or public authority to prevent protest is breached (32% of cases).

Whyte said: “The real danger is that you criminalise people for breaching something which is essentially a civil injunction. So that doesn’t start as a criminal offence but it ends up with a criminal penalty and that’s very concerning because it means that private companies, effectively, are imposing injunctions which lead to large numbers of people going to jail.”

The report found that 69 people were imprisoned, including some for holding placards, after Warwickshire borough council obtained a high court injunction in 2022 in response to Just Stop Oil’s direct action campaign at Kingsbury oil terminal.

A judicial spokesperson said: “Judicial independence and impartiality are fundamental to the rule of law. Upon taking office, judges take the judicial oath where they swear to act ‘without fear or favour, affection or ill will’. In each case, judges make decisions based on the evidence and arguments presented to them and apply the law as it stands.

“Judges and magistrates sentence according to the law set by parliament and the sentencing guidelines set by the independent Sentencing Council, as well as the facts of each case which may have aggravating or mitigating factors.”

Board of Peace focus on Hamas risks return to war in Gaza, critics say

Israel-Gaza war
Board of Peace focus on Hamas risks return to war in Gaza, critics say
Julian Borger
Sat 23 May 2026 11.00 CESTLast modified on Sat 23 May 2026 13.00 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/may/23/board-of-peace-focus-on-hamas-risks-return-to-war-in-gaza-critics-say

The top diplomat from the Board of Peace has blamed Hamas for the stalled ceasefire , but critics have said the US-backed board’s lack of even-handedness in implementing the truce risks a return to war.

The “high representative for Gaza”, Nickolay Mladenov, told the UN security council on Thursday that Hamas was the “principal obstacle” to the ceasefire’s continued implementation because “it refused to accept verified decommissioning, relinquish coercive control and allow a genuine civilian transition”.

Hamas rejected the Bulgarian diplomat’s accusations. Its spokesperson, Hazem Qassem, said the report “reflects continued adoption of the Israeli position and serves as an attempt to justify further Israeli escalation”.

Critics of the Board of Peace, launched by Donald Trump in January, said the Mladenov report gave a misleading and one-sided account of the ceasefire, in which Israel has been the main violator.

Israeli forces have continued to carry out airstrikes on Gaza. They have also moved forward from the ceasefire line agreed in October, increasing the area under direct Israeli control from the agreed 53% to at least 60%, and have regularly shot at Palestinians who came within a few hundred metres of the shifting line. More than 850 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire was declared in October.

Israel has also fallen short of its obligation to allow in 600 trucks of humanitarian supplies a day, and has refused to relax restrictions on “dual-use” items, which have prevented aid agencies bringing in basic humanitarian supplies, such as water pipes, or heavy machinery to begin clearing rubble.

Israel was not directly criticised in Mladenov’s report, only by implication in references to “all parties”. Critics said that by putting the blame solely on Hamas, Mladenov’s report could lend legitimacy to any future decision by Benjamin Netanyahu to return to war.

“Israel never fulfilled any of its obligations under phase one of the deal, so why would anyone trust they’d live up to phase two, especially once the weapons (Gaza’s only leverage) are gone?” said Muhammad Shehada, a visiting fellow at the Middle East programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

“If they say no, then Netanyahu is going to get a free hand in Gaza and basically be absolved of any obligations under the Trump deal and declare war whenever he wants.”

Successive versions of Mladenov’s roadmap were presented to Hamas and other Palestinian factions in March and then April. The April version proposed the creation of an “implementation verification committee” to oversee the disarmament of Hamas and other armed groups, while ensuring Israel took reciprocal steps.

The documents said inventory and collection of weapons would be “implemented gradually in phases”, with “heavy weapons” to be handed in within 90 days, though the definition of “heavy” included assault rifles. The April version of the roadmap said disarmament would be monitored by multilateral bodies, but it added that the “process will be under Palestinian leadership”.

Gershon Baskin, an Israeli analyst who has been involved in past back-channel negotiations with Palestinian groups, welcomed the roadmap, saying: “Israel and Hamas should agree to it and its implementation should begin immediately.”

However Baskin was critical of Mladenov’s characterisation of the stalemate, putting sole blame on Hamas. He said the militant group had “indicated its willingness to begin the process of disarmament and decommissioning of weapons”.

“Hamas’s demand is that it be done in parallel to the commitments that Israel has undertaken and has not fulfilled,” Baskin added.

In his report to the UN, Mladenov accused Hamas of tightening its grip on the 40% of Gaza still under its control. However, Hamas has been calling since February for the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), a panel of 12 Palestinian technocrats created by the Board of Peace in January, to be allowed into the territory to begin the transfer of power.

“The Hamas guys inside Gaza are much more pragmatic,” Baskin said. “They don’t have money, they don’t have the resources, and the people in Gaza don’t want them. And they know that they can’t continue like this.”

Under Mladenov’s plan, the NCAG is supposed to oversee the disarmament of armed groups in Gaza, however Baskin said Israel had adamantly refused to allow the committee members to enter Gaza from Egypt, where they have become an administration in waiting.

“It is the Israeli insistence that NCAG not go in,” he said. “Americans have been told by the Israelis that if NCAG is allowed to go in, it will create a situation like Lebanon, where there will be an official government but the real power will be with the guys with guns in the streets.”

“I don’t think that’s the big problem,” Baskin added. “The big problem is that Israel wants to renew the war, and they’re creating the conditions where the Israeli public is being pumped every day, with the media telling them that Hamas is rebuilding itself, Hamas is gaining strength; that’s a really overblown exaggeration of reality.”

Daniel Levy, the British-Israeli head of the US/Middle East Project and former peace negotiator in earlier Israeli-Palestinian talks, said Hamas had not rejected disarmament and the transfer of power.

“It’s well established that they are ready to hand over governance. There’s never been a question about that,” Levy said. “But they’ve also talked in terms of non-rearmament, non-display of weapons, and [surrendering] heavy weapons. They’ve set out some of these things, but they are not going to wave a white flag of surrender.”

The limbo has left the Palestinians officials in the NCAG stuck in a hotel in Cairo. They have attended seminars on governance and state-building, and they recently flew to Brussels to meet EU officials, but they have been prevented from talking to the press.

Shehada said four NCAG members had threatened to resign.

“With the lack of progress in Gaza, they came to realise that they are a distraction to buy Israel more time,” he said, adding that the four members were persuaded to stay by Mladenov.

A source close to the NCAG said its members were aware their reputation for integrity was suffering among Palestinians by their association with the Board of Peace, but he said: “They also know there is no alternative. If there is any hope of stopping the killing in Gaza, this is the only game in town.”

French Open agrees to talks with players in row over grand slam prize money

French Open 2026
French Open agrees to talks with players in row over grand slam prize money
Matt Hughes
Sat 23 May 2026 15.54 CESTLast modified on Sat 23 May 2026 16.52 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2026/may/23/french-open-agrees-talks-players-pay-row-grand-slam-prize-money-tennis

The French Tennis Federation (FFT) has promised to make concrete proposals about increased prize money, player welfare and representation within the next month in talks with leading agents at the French Open .

The discussions took place on Friday, the same day many players, including the world No 1s, Jannik Sinner and Aryna Sabalenka , collectively decided to limit their pre-tournament media briefings to 15 minutes in protest at what they regard as insufficient prize money paid by the four grand slams.

The players chose to conduct only their mandatory duties, a press conference and an interview with the host broadcaster, rather than the 60 to 90 minutes they usually devote to interviews, photoshoots and other media activities.

The slams allocate about 15% of their tournament revenues in prize money and the players are demanding that be increased to 22%, to match the percentage paid by the ATP and WTA Tours.

The players are understood to have been heartened by Friday’s meeting, which included three representatives of the FFT, the players’ representative, Larry Scott, and a group of player agents. Sources involved described as positive talks as vindicating their media boycott. One said one day of direct action had achieved more than a year of discussions behind the scenes.

The FFT has promised to return with detailed proposals within a fortnight of the finals at Roland Garros, with the players adamant an increase in prize money must take place alongside discussions over welfare and player representation.

Amélie Mauresmo, the Roland Garros tournament director and former world No 1, on Thursday defended the FFT’s decisions regarding this year’s prize money and their financial contributions to players. “We have a model that is very different from what is on the Tours, be it the ATP Tours or the WTA,” she said. “Even a different model from the other grand slams.

“We put in place everything we can also in the interest of the players. We are also [improving] our infrastructure, we have prize money that has increased well, doubled in 10 years, and then also increased well in recent times, not only towards the top players, but also towards those who are more qualifiers and the first rounds of the table.”

The All England Club has offered to set up a player council at Wimbledon to give the players a say in the operating of the tournament , but they do not regard that as sufficient. Further meetings with the All England Club and the United States Tennis Association will take place in Paris next week, with the players keeping their options open for protests at Wimbledon, which begins on 29 June.

Tennis Australia is not involved in the discussions as in a separate dispute the body has sided with the Professional Tennis Players Association, the players’ union, in its legal case against the three other slams.

Coward review – soldiers find escapism and romance in wartime theatrical troupe

Film
Coward review – soldiers find escapism and romance in wartime theatrical troupe
Peter Bradshaw
Fri 22 May 2026 15.41 CESTLast modified on Fri 22 May 2026 15.42 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/film/2026/may/22/coward-review-soldiers-find-escapism-and-romance-in-wartime-theatrical-troupe

T he word of the title is not used at any time in this film, but the relevance is clear. On the western front in the first world war, Belgian soldiers get permission to form a theatrical troupe, often in drag, to entertain their comrades when they are behind the lines and raise their morale (not entirely unlike the now despised 70s BBC TV comedy It Ain’t Half Hot Mum). The director is Lukas Dhont who explored gay and transgender issues in movies such as Girl and Close, and this story of a gay affair in the army is heartfelt and well acted, if rather earnestly researched.

The motley “band of rejects”, evidently excused frontline combat duty for various reasons, is led by Francis (Valentin Campagne), a tailor in civilian life who has now ecstatically flowered in the new role the war has given him. He is exuberant, mischievous, imaginative and genuinely committed to his theatrical art. The resulting entertainments look professionally accomplished. (Did these first world war gang shows really have people playing flute and clarinet?) One stolidly handsome, shy soldier called Pierre (Emmanuel Macchia) is fascinated by these theatrical types and by Francis himself; he deliberately stabs his own hand with a bayonet on the field of battle so he can join their group.

All these actors must endure covert or open accusations of cowardice. For Francis and Pierre, the charge becomes more complicated. At the height of their love affair, they wonder if they should desert, run away together to a neutral country like Switzerland or Spain, and openly affirm who they are. But are they too cowardly? Interestingly, it isn’t just a matter of the troupe providing racy, louche shows for the ranks. Francis and the players have to put on a more intimate after-dinner revue for high-ranking types and endure their boorish behaviour; they also have to produce little entertainments, like children’s shows, for the horribly wounded in hospitals, and even mount stirringly martial, patriotic vignettes for soldiers who are about to go into battle.

Francis himself is a fierce disciplinarian, as tough as any sergeant, who will not stand for Pierre or anyone else neglecting their showbusiness duty to provide escapism for the troops. Francis is candid about how much he loves his theatricals, even loves the war itself. “We are free here,” he tells Pierre; they are free to express themselves artistically and, indeed, romantically and erotically. The war has given them a chance to be who they actually are. Like life and love, the war itself may be all too brief. It is quite a paradox.

There is much that is valuable and interesting in this movie, although it is a little predictable in what it has to say and how it says it, though Campagne and Macchia give committed performances as secret lovers in the shadow of war.

Coward screened at the Cannes film festival .

What links Flamingo, Mercury Fountain and Trois Disques? The Saturday quiz

Quiz and trivia games
What links Flamingo, Mercury Fountain and Trois Disques? The Saturday quiz
Thomas Eaton
Sat 23 May 2026 08.00 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2026/may/23/what-links-flamingo-mercury-fountain-and-trois-disques-the-saturday-quiz

The questions

1 What is the most populous city directly on the Mediterranean coast? 2 Which ruler last had a coronation in 1963? 3 What school subject, abbreviated, is plural in Britain but singular in the US? 4 Which married couple have 12 Olympic golds between them? 5 Gatsby, Gowen and Tibbs were which establishment’s long-term residents? 6 Which rodents are known as “nature’s engineers”? 7 Which act’s As Nasty As They Wanna Be was the first album declared legally obscene in the US? 8 What global climate event is ENSO? What links: 9 Avatar (LA); Dangal (Mumbai); Behind the Scenes (Lagos)? 10 Xi Jinping; Primo Levi; Angela Merkel; Margaret Thatcher? 11 Saltburn; The Full Wax; The Good Earth; taekwondoin turned boxer? 12 Acca; in-play; moneyline; prop; spread? 13 Flamingo; Lobster Trap and Fish Tail; Mercury Fountain; Trois Disques? 14 White Dogwood (11); Golden Bell (12); Azalea (13)? 15 Fates of the Guadalupe storm petrel, Socorro dove and Stephens Island wren?

The answers

1 Alexandria, Egypt. 2 Papal (Paul VI). 3 Maths/math. 4 Laura Trott/Kenny and Jason Kenny. 5 Fawlty Towers. 6 Beavers. 7 2 Live Crew. 8 El Niño southern oscillation. 9 Highest grossing films (not inflation adjusted): Hollywood; Bollywood; Nollywood. 10 All have chemistry (or related) degrees. 11 Gemstone first names: directed by Emerald Fennell; starred Ruby Wax; written by Pearl Buck; Jade Jones. 12 Types of sports betting. 13 Artworks by Alexander Calder. 14 Amen Corner (holes 11 to 13) at Augusta National Golf Club. 15 Birds made extinct (or near extinct) by cats.

‘I don’t have a life’: man sent to France in ‘one in, one out’ refugee scheme tells of return to UK

Immigration and asylum
‘I don’t have a life’: man sent to France in ‘one in, one out’ refugee scheme tells of return to UK
Diane Taylor
Sat 23 May 2026 13.00 CESTLast modified on Sat 23 May 2026 17.30 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/may/23/i-dont-have-a-life-man-sent-to-france-in-one-in-one-out-refugee-scheme-tells-of-return-to-uk

An asylum seeker sent from the UK back to France under the “one in, one out” scheme has covertly returned to Britain and is now in hiding, the Guardian has learned.

In the first interview with a one in, one out returnee living under the radar in the UK, the man told the Guardian his situation was “desperate”.

He said he was aware of at least 18 other one in, one out asylum seekers who had returned in the same way as him and were now also in the UK covertly.

Other one in, one out returnees the Guardian has spoken to in mainland Europe said they were also aware of people returning to Britain in a clandestine way.

The man, who returned to the UK in a lorry, said: “After I was sent back to France by the Home Office , the smugglers caught me and wanted to force me to work with them.

“I don’t want to work with the smugglers and I refused to do so. They beat me so badly that my face is still full of bruises and injuries.

“I managed to escape from them and felt that my only option was to come back to the UK, which is a safer place for me.”

He said that when he was in the “Jungle” – a name used for the refugee camp in northern France where smugglers operate – people were being offered journeys in lorries rather than on boats because of one in, one out.

“The price for a small boat Channel crossing is €1,000 to 2,000, while the price for a lorry to the UK is €4,000 to 5,000.”

He said he believed many asylum seekers had returned to the UK using lorries: “I don’t know exactly how many people sent back to France under one in, one out have returned to UK and are now living underground, but I know of 18.”

The aim of the one in, one out scheme is to deter small boat crossings and stop people-smuggling gangs. Since it was agreed between the UK and France, however, thousands of asylum seekers have continued to cross the Channel and the smugglers have adapted their business model.

They now launch more vessels from Belgium and offer more expensive journeys to the UK in lorries to bypass the police on French beaches.

The number of people crossing the Channel so far this year has come down by about a third compared with the same period last year, but that is thought to be partly due to windy weather in recent months making crossings too dangerous.

As of 28 April, 605 people had been returned to France and 581 people had come to the UK under the one in, one out scheme.

The returnee said he was not working illegally in the UK and rarely left the room in which a friend had offered him temporary shelter.

“I’m in a city outside London and I’m scared to leave this room,” he said. “I’m running from the smugglers, the police and the Home Office. I don’t have a life any more and I don’t have a plan.

“I keep thinking about handing myself into the police, but if I do that and the Home Office sends me back to France again I am sure the smugglers will kill me if they find me, because I ran away from them.

“I’m not a bad person for the UK. I want to live in peace here, work legally and be safe. But people like me who are living underground can be forced into crime to survive. I came here to respect the rules of the country, not to break them, but the immigration rules here may force people like me to break the rules by doing things like working illegally.”

In another case, an asylum seeker who smuggled himself out of the UK in January after living here for more than a decade, because he feared the Home Office was going to detain and deport him, has recently received an email from the Home Office, showing no awareness that he has left the country.

The man, who is now living in Italy, said the Home Office message warned him of enforcement action because he had not stayed in touch, and offered him help with voluntary return to his home country from the UK.

“It is crazy to receive this from the Home Office,” he said. “They do not realise I am no longer in the UK. I would love to return to the UK legally, but there is no way for me to do that at the moment.”

Seema Syeda from the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants said: “The government’s border regime is pushing people into unsafe routes and criminalising people. The simple, moral answer is to allow people seeking safety to use the same routes as everyone else: train, ferry, plane.

“Public money would be put to better use improving public services and addressing the cost-of-living crisis, not on an inhuman and degrading border regime aimed at appeasing a small but vocal minority of far-right political groups.”

A Home Office spokesperson said: “Anyone looking to return to the UK after being removed under the UK-France agreement is wasting their time and money. They will be removed again.

“Under this government, enforcement is up, asylum decision-making is up, removals are up and the backlogs and hotel use are coming down.

“Twenty twenty-five was a record year for tackling organised immigration crime, with disruptions up by more than a third on 2024. Under our returns agreement with France, we have deported more than 600 illegal migrants from British soil.”

UK pitched single market for goods with EU in pursuit of deeper trade ties

Brexit
UK pitched single market for goods with EU in pursuit of deeper trade ties
Jennifer Rankin
Fri 22 May 2026 23.51 CESTFirst published on Fri 22 May 2026 19.00 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/may/22/uk-pitched-single-market-for-goods-with-eu-as-it-pursues-trade-reintegration

The UK government pitched the creation of a single market for goods with the EU as the cornerstone of an ambitious attempt to reintegrate British trade back into Europe , the Guardian can reveal.

During recent visits to Brussels, the Cabinet Office’s top official on EU relations, Michael Ellam, presented the idea to deepen the UK’s economic relationship with the bloc.

But in a sign of the challenge Keir Starmer’s government faces in securing growth through a closer relationship with Europe, sources said that EU officials rejected the idea – and instead suggested a customs union or economic alignment through the European Economic Area.

Those ideas are impossible under Starmer’s red lines. He said in 2024 the UK would not rejoin the EU, the single market or customs union in his lifetime. The EEA – a single market of 30 mostly EU countries – would also mean accepting free movement of people, another Labour red line.

UK government sources, however, denied that the EU had definitively rejected a single market for goods and said it was among a range of options being discussed before a summit tentatively pencilled in for 13 July.

The UK and EU have not yet agreed a forward-looking agenda to be launched at the summit.

Both sides hope to announce: a veterinary agreement to ease trade in food, drink and animal products; an accord linking emissions trading schemes (ETS); and to break the deadlock over a youth mobility programme – three deals promised at the last EU-UK summit in 2025.

But Labour’s attempts to deepen the economic relationship are hitting the same buffers Theresa May encountered with her Chequers plan when she tried to craft a “common rulebook” for goods , without free movement of people, during the Brexit negotiations in 2018.

EU officials want to avoid a complicated relationship with the UK that could prove an attractive model to anti-EU populists in the 27 member states.

For instance, it is argued that a special deal for the UK could embolden a Eurosceptic candidate in France’s 2027 presidential elections to argue that Paris should pay less attention to single market rules.

Other countries, it is suggested, might question their contributions to the EU budget if the UK is deemed to be getting special treatment.

An EU diplomat said the EU’s approach was based on its interests: “If you start going back on those principles – leading to a non-member being treated better than an actual member – you certainly would trigger an internal debate on the fundamentals of [EU] cooperation.”

The prime minister and chancellor have said they are keen to explore alignment on goods. In her Mais lecture , Rachel Reeves said there was “a strategic imperative for deeper integration between the UK and EU – in our shared need for greater economic resilience”.

UK government sources said the EU had always been nervous about its red lines, but pointed out that Brussels had opened talks on access to the single market for food and agricultural products, and electricity.

A Cabinet Office spokesperson said: “We have previously confirmed that the next UK-EU summit will be held this summer. A final date will be confirmed in due course.

“We are negotiating an ambitious package of measures with the EU ahead of the summit, including a food and drink SPS [sanitary and phytosanitary] deal and emissions trading deal that, alone, are set to add up to £9bn a year to the UK economy by 2040.”

The Cabinet Office minister Nick Thomas-Symonds last month told reporters in Brussels that the UK wanted deals with the EU on steel and electric cars , to avoid British industry being damaged by imminent changes in EU rules in these sectors.

The government is also seeking deeper cooperation in defence: the prime minister announced earlier this month he would like the UK to enter talks to join the EU’s €90bn (£78bn) EU loan for Ukraine, enabling British firms to benefit from defence contracts for Kyiv.

A European Commission spokesperson declined to comment on the UK pitch for a single market in goods, adding that the commission was working to conclude the SPS agreement, ETS linkage and youth experience scheme.

“We also see scope to deepen cooperation where it matters most now: defence industrial cooperation,” the spokesperson added, citing the UK’s wish to start talks on the Ukraine loan.

The spokesperson also referred to continuing discussions between the EU and UK on an innovation fund for hi-tech industries and joint work to curb irregular migration.

Following the rebuff over a single market for goods, EU officials are not expecting the government to do much on defining a future agenda before the Makerfield byelection in June, where Labour faces a tough challenge from the anti-EU Reform party.

The Labour candidate, Andy Burnham, who is expected to stand to replace Starmer as prime minister, has said he will not try to return the UK to the EU and promised “a relentless domestic focus”.

In a speech intended to rescue his premiership earlier this month, Starmer said his government would be defined by “putting Britain at the heart of Europe” . As an example of the stronger relationship he said he wanted, Starmer called for an “ambitious” youth experience scheme that would allow young people to live, work and study in Europe.

But negotiations remain stalled . The EU continues to reject UK proposals for a cap on numbers and a requirement that EU students should pay the much higher rate of tuition fees for foreign students, rather than the domestic rate.

The EU and Mexico signed a long-stalled free trade agreement on Friday as they seek to decrease dependence on the US and partly insulate themselves from Donald Trump’s tariffs.

The accord, on which they reached broad agreement in 2025 but have delayed signing, expands a trade accord from 2000, which covered only industrial goods. The new pact adds services, government procurement, digital trade, investment and farm produce.

Mexico’s president, Claudia Sheinbaum, the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, and the European Council president, António Costa, signed the deal in Mexico City in their first summit in more than a decade.

“This agreement is a true geopolitical statement,” Costa said on Friday, shortly after signing the agreement. “With the modernised global agreement, we are better prepared to face the challenges of our time.”

Sheinbaum said: “This agreement opens up enormous opportunities for both regions, allowing for expanded trade.” She highlighted the pharmaceutical industry, agriculture, technological development and electric mobility.

Additional reporting by Reuters

Côte d’Ivoire wary of jihadist threat in north 10 years on from major attack

Côte d’Ivoire
Côte d’Ivoire wary of jihadist threat in north 10 years on from major attack
Eromo Egbejule
Sat 23 May 2026 15.00 CESTLast modified on Sat 23 May 2026 15.01 CEST
News
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/may/23/cote-divoire-wary-of-jihadist-threat-in-north-10-years-on-from-major-attack

T hese days, when she is not organising the annual International Day of Reggae celebrations in Côte d’Ivoire , Rose Ebirim picks up litter scattered on the beach in the historic port town of Grand Bassam, 25 miles east of Abidjan. Both activities have become a form of therapy since the time she saw someone die.

“13 March 2016 was a Black Sunday for me,” she said.

On that day, she saw three gunmen open fire at close range as they stalked three adjacent hotels on the beach in a 45-minute shooting spree. By the time security agencies shot the attackers dead, they had killed 19 people including nine foreigners, and traumatised the entire nation.

Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) claimed responsibility for the attack, saying it was in retaliation for Côte d’Ivoire arresting its men and handing them over to Mali. It was not until December 2022 that an Abidjan court sentenced 11 men – including seven in absentia – to death for their roles in the attack.

“Our forces have strengthened their operational vigilance to ensure that such tragedies never happen again,” the defence minister, Téné Birahima Ouattara, said at a ceremony this March to commemorate the 10th anniversary of what was the first major terrorist incident on Ivorian soil.

Grand Bassam, a Unesco world heritage site and the country’s first capital, forms part of a relatively peaceful three-hour drive to the border with Ghana lined with resort towns that once again cater to residents and tourists.

But up in the north, on the borders with Mali and Burkina Faso , the threat of jihadism continues to lurk. Both states have expelled French and American troops in recent years after military takeovers, pivoting to stronger partnerships with Russia instead.

Côte d’Ivoire, now a key western ally for counterinsurgency in the region, stands as a buffer state between the Gulf of Guinea and the core of the Sahel. The violence in its neighbours has driven thousands of refugees into the country’s north.

At the time of the 2016 attack, the insurgency had just emerged in Burkina Faso as a spillover from Mali. Terrorism incidents linked to jihadists have almost tripled in coastal west Africa as armed non-state actors proliferate.

Military formations and security personnel in the region have been repeatedly targeted by Al-Qaida-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), which swallowed AQIM. In June 2020, Katiba Macina, another group in the JNIM coalition, killed 14 Ivorian soldiers in the village of Kafolo near the Burkinabé border.

The groups are beginning to employ more sophisticated tactics and are adept at carrying out complex raids in a region that is now “the world’s most active zone of Islamist militancy”, said Héni Nsaibia, senior analyst for west Africa at the conflict monitor Acled. “JNIM’s use of armed drones has rapidly proliferated from fewer than 10 recorded strikes in 2024 to around 80 in 2025,” he added.

Since the Kafolo attack, the number of policemen and gendarmerie recruited in the Ivorian north has more than doubled. Five years ago, an EU-backed counter-terrorism academy opened in Jacqueville, another beach town west of Abidjan , where elite units are being trained to counter the evolving threat.

A spokesperson for the Ivorian government did not respond to questions about the status of talks about a speculated US drone base or American troops sharing an existing airbase with their Ivorian counterparts.

Backed by international development funding, the state has also been at work in remote border villages in the north – building primary schools, deploying mobile health clinics and funding vocational micro-loans for young cashew farmers who might otherwise be tempted by the financial promises of militant groups.

But its dense forests and porous borders are still cause for concern to citizens and residents. The Ivorian government spokesperson did not also respond to questions about regional and international counterinsurgency collaborations.

In Grand Bassam, the three hotels are shuttered. Near them, Ebirim still goes on with awareness about beach pollution and the reggae splash, which is now in its sixth year. “I occupy myself with those activities,” she said. “After 10 years, I’m starting to sort myself out.”