Tag Archives: The long read

Tokyo drift: what happens when a city stops being the future?

Keyword – World news

Trefwoorden – The long read, Japan, Overtourism, features

Title – Tokyo drift: what happens when a city stops being the future?

Author – Dylan Levi King

Link – Tokyo drift: what happens when a city stops being the future?

Publish date – 2025-01-14T05:00:02.000Z

Category – News

Hyperlink – Tokyo drift: what happens when a city stops being the future?

T he yen is low, and everybody is coming to Tokyo. If that sounds familiar, it’s not because I’m being coy or hedging my bets; it is the only information to be found in most English-language coverage of Japan’s capital in the aftermath of the pandemic. I can’t stop reading these accounts. After nine years in the country, you’d think I would have learned enough Japanese to liberate myself from the Anglo-American internet, but I’m afraid I’m stuck with flimsy stories about the tourist uptick for the time being.

Part of the reason that so much coverage of the city where I live errs on the side of optimism is that Tokyo remains lodged in the postwar American imagination as a place of sophistication and wealth, good taste and cultural authenticity, with a reputation for deferential hospitality. Never mind that this was the calculated effect of bilateral postwar public relations campaigns, a boom in exportable middlebrow culture and fearmongering about Japanese industrial dominance.

Now, 80 years after the American invasion, Tokyo is accessible to anyone with a couple of thousand dollars. Just as, in the popular telling, Mexico City is an oasis for digital nomads, or Yiwu is a modern-day Alexandria – a cosmopolitan shipping hub, attracting dealers in durables and middlemen from the global south – the travel-brochure-as-think piece only comes as a surprise to those who have managed to remain innocent of a century of complete transfiguration. The authors of such pieces suggest, always in the mildest, most consumer-friendly terms, that calling budget tourism down on Tokyo is the last hope for a country burnt to the filter.

Japan’s economy never regained the heights of the asset price bubble of the late 1980s; wage increases have all but vanished for the past three “lost decades”, and the number of citizens has plummeted over the past 15 years (the population is estimated to become half its current number by 2100). Hence, every tourist delivered to Haneda or Narita airports counts, whether they are purchasing frocks on Omotesandō, pornographic manga in Akihabara, or fried dough at the FamilyMart.

Or maybe, the next story in the cycle will venture, the real problem is that there are too many tourists. An ambitious author might draw parallels between the struggles against overtourism in Venice or Bali and Japan’s panicky municipal schemes to address holidaymakers thronging formerly sedate neighbourhoods or trawling red-light districts for teenaged prostitutes, citing editorials about foreigners yanking on cherry trees and eating so much rice they’ve endangered domestic supplies. I cringe when the television set in the kissaten, or coffee shop, airs a story about foreign hooligans in Shibuya; if I’m in a coffee shop, I feel the eyes of the Japanese patrons on me as they consider my criminal predilections, but alone in my bedroom I actually savour the reports of congestion on public transit and interviews with outraged local residents making noise complaints. Most reports are helpfully followed by a commentator bold enough to bring up kanko kogai , or “tourism pollution”, a term ubiquitous in coverage of Chinese tourists since around 2018.

Tokyo’s race towards peak tourism hasn’t been all bad. In this massive city, with an economy surpassing that of almost every country in Europe and an area of about 5,000 square miles, the ebb and flow of tens of millions of tourists can be better accommodated than in more boutique tourist traps abroad. The real estate market has received a modest jolt from developers buying up property for hotels, and tight restrictions on short-term rentals introduced six years ago have saved Tokyo from the market distortion of cities such as Florence, where Airbnb and predatory landlords have been blamed for an affordability crisis.

Still, mass tourism is as demoralising and demeaning here as anywhere. Tourists disrupt the rhythm of the city, agents of minor turmoil set loose in familiar spaces. There may be no way to describe these transgressions without sounding like a crank – I know it is not maliciousness on their part – but I have lived in Japan long enough that the surprise of encountering a broad, looming American, with their transparent expressions and flashy Lycra pants, stuns me out of the daze into which the city has lulled me. I am rankled by offences invisible to outsiders. While part of me sympathises with the family of sightseers blundering their way on to a crowded Yamanote Line train with their suitcases, or the young women filming TikToks in the aisles of a Ministop, my Tokyo training means I know infringement of its unwritten rules when I see it. This is a city that expects people to suffer in peculiar ways. You would need to live here to know that using a bicycle bell is anathema when you can simply squeeze the brakes by way of warning. There is no way to explain that the cement curbs around the overgrown green spaces carved out of the pavement at many intersections are not for sitting. I couldn’t say for sure why the rumble of the plastic wheels of rolling suitcases is more frightening than jackhammers.

Apart from making the city uglier and less orderly, the tourist is a reminder of an unhappy history in which the native population has been relegated to a vassal class. In recent years, the concept of omote-nashi – basic hospitality, reconfigured as essentially Japanese – has been popularised by domestic tourism boosters as a national responsibility akin to wartime thrift. As a result, the tourist acts as though they are among staff members in a grand resort or actors in a stage show; the whole hospitable nation is at their service. (It can be funny to stand on an Asakusa corner and watch American or European tourists asking for directions from harried but unfailingly courteous office drones, Chinese tourists or old men staggering toward the off-track betting parlour.) The tourist reminds the citizen that, as far as the future of the city is concerned, they are an afterthought.

M ine is not a neighbourhood for sophisticated tourists. Taitō is temples and cheap hotels. The more civilised sightseers are busy elsewhere, I know. Chinese tourists still make up the bulk of travellers to Japan, but there are markedly fewer than five or eight years ago. Perhaps they have had their fill of Sensō-ji temple or find the shoddy stalls in Ameyoko market suspicious. In this part of east Tokyo, the tourists come mostly from Australia or the US, white English speakers decked out in athletic gear as if they expect the flat course from Ueno to Asakusa to tax their endurance. In inclement weather, they cover themselves and their rucksacks in disposable rain jackets, so they look like ghosts coming through the mist.

They approach with a rustle and the rumble of plastic wheels on pavement. They sleep in converted love hotels in Uguisudani. They gather at the mammoth Uniqlo in Okachimachi. They take photographs outside temples in Asakusa. They wear body cameras so that they can show the world their visit to Kappabashi Street. I surveil them without guilt: they have come to turn their tourist gaze on the city, and turnabout is fair play.

Battalions of immigrants have been redirected to this half of the city to serve the tourists, who most likely overlook how the waitresses at Asakusa restaurants are now often Vietnamese students and Chinese sojourners. It is beyond most foreigners to listen for a note in a server’s accent when they speak English or Japanese (now that ordering is most frequently done on a tablet, conversation is kept to a minimum anyway), let alone be alert to telltale, un-Japanese body language.

The guest worker in Japan, though necessary to keep operations running, is stretched thin between demand and bureaucracy, especially considering the quasi-legal subterfuge required to ship them in. While the recently assassinated former prime minister Shinzo Abe expanded the quota for moderately skilled immigrants in a series of reforms translated as “comprehensive measures for acceptance and coexistence of foreign nationals”, many still arrive on student visas. Brokers and language schools arrange minimal coursework and permission to work a 28-hour week on the side, though much longer shifts are typical. Legal measures to end death from overwork could be more difficult to enforce among student workers, who are preyed on by language schools and staffing agencies. The truly unlucky souls wind up as part of the technical intern training programme, a scheme to bring in unskilled labour under the guise of vocational training that domestic and foreign investigations have found is rife with human trafficking, fraud and vicious abuse that culminates in death, disfigurement and psychological trauma. When guest workers abscond from the legal programmes – in 2023 alone, more than 9,000 interns disappeared from the books – they become even more vulnerable, surviving on under-the-table jobs.

As Tokyo’s economy has become a client of the service industry, it has drained its reservoirs of young people to run cash registers and deliver food, meaning guest workers must be tolerated. The ruling centre-right Liberal Democratic party acknowledges them as their sole defence against shoshi koreika – “fewer children and ageing”. Until automation takes a stronger hold – we’re only now phasing out floppy discs, fax machines and employment for life – or the economies of Vietnam and Nepal surpass Japan’s, the only way to keep salad wraps in 7-Eleven is to import staff.

Federations of bureaucrats and upstart politicians dream of an economy based on real estate investment and financial speculation. They would prefer to run their new city with a new population, one willing to render their cash or labour without expecting the power to make demands. Demographic collapse can be sidestepped, tourists and guest workers selected by grade like eggs, quotas adjusted to the whims of finance. The state-affiliated Japan National Tourism Organization is shooting for 60 million tourists a year by 2030. Efforts are under way to entice foreigners to work as farmhands, cooks and truck drivers. Meanwhile, the Japanese population shrinks to a nub.

T he guest workers don’t live in this neighbourhood either. My neighbours are the subset known as expatriates: the software engineer from Sweden who sends his daughter to the same school as my son; the English teacher from Tennessee; the Chinese couple who run a signage shop down the block; the Gujarati jewellery dealer I know to wave at, who illegally parks a Maserati with a swastika on its hood outside the mid-rise next door; and the French photographer whose Japanese wife tells me theories about dog training, vegetarian diets and 5G in the vaccine.

I myself followed a woman to Tokyo. We met when she was a tourist in my country. We were to return to her home and then drift through rugged places as tourists together, before I signed up for a master’s in contemporary Chinese literature at Sun Yat-sen University, and she sweated through an undergraduate degree in a more marketable field. But too many months went by. We ran out of money, we were happy and I was trapped. We married at the municipal office in Shibuya, posed for the silly portraits that are de rigueur for newlyweds (her in gown and costume jewellery, me in matt grey tailcoat), and made the formal application to convert my tourist visa to “Spouse or child of Japanese national”, authorised to work in any sector.

I took a job mopping vomit and picking up empty cups at a nightclub in Roppongi. I cleared tables in an Italian restaurant in Harajuku and worked in the kitchen of a pizza shop in Oji, apprenticing under an embittered long-term expatriate restaurateur forced into business with his ex-wife. It felt familiar. I had worked most of my life at the lowest end of the service industry or in warehouses and slaughterhouses. I consoled myself that when I finally finished my novel, it would be more authentic for having been composed while I was forking soggy hamburger buns into the trash. With few marketable skills, I didn’t have much choice.

It didn’t help that I was too stubborn and stupid to learn Japanese. I skipped the free language lessons provided by the Arakawa ward government and worked on my Russian instead, hoping to understand what the bouncers in Roppongi were saying. I practised my Spanish with the Peruvians who worked front-of-house at the Italian place. I never learned a polite word in Tagalog, only obscene slang.

Now I earn a living writing, with wire transfers from abroad. It is better to be in the category of tourist that can call themselves expatriate, even if it pains me to admit I have more in common with the Swedish software engineer across the street than the Chinese student-labourers who spill out of a language school above the closest 7-Eleven in the afternoon.

Being an expatriate author is not as glamorous as I imagined as a boy dreaming of a loft in Tangier with a novel-in-progress spread out on the floor. It is not even as romantic as when I attempted it the first time, spending my savings in Guangzhou, writing unpublishable short stories in between appeals to my mother for another Western Union money transfer. But it does mean I am sought out by sophisticated tourists when more famous Anglophone writers don’t get back to them. This began when the country reopened after the pandemic, and the exchange rate made it affordable for half-famous authors, graduate students with bylines in leftist magazines, and minor internet celebrities to travel to Tokyo.

F lattered by their attention, I was happy to act as de facto tour guide to what passes for “authentic” Tokyo. I met my guests at Uguisudani station, pointing in the direction of a cluster of love hotels where a recent street scuffle broke out between ageing criminals over sex industry protection money, before leading them to the Fujizuka cult mound (a miniature Mount Fuji, relic of a religious movement dating back to the 16th century) fenced inside a backyard shrine. I chaperoned them through the more intimidating public housing developments; usually deserted. I brought them to inspect nagaya , those corrugated-iron-sided terrace houses awaiting demolition. I aspired to reveal history otherwise buried, such as the bones that came to the surface when foundations were dug around Minami-Senju station, where the crematoriums and execution grounds once presided.

“Araki shot pictures for Midori here,” I have told more than one of my guests in Yoshiwara Park, “and now the soapland girls come here to pose for their daily photo diaries.” Around the corner, I pointed out the gory pictures beside the statue of the Bodhisattva Kannon. “Kawabata came here in 1923,” I said, “right after the earthquake, and wrote about the hundreds of corpses of the courtesans and their children, boiled alive in the pond as the fire swept through the pleasure quarter.”

I took my guests for tepid coffee gelatin and slices of buttered milk bread at kissaten between blaring televisions and demented proprietors. I pushed crocks of monkfish stew under their chins, pointing out how the gelatin rendered from fish skin made for an exquisitely rich broth, which could only be cleaned from the palate by buckwheat shōchū. I used to end the tours I gave of east Tokyo at the site of the old labour market, or yoseba , in Irohakai. Some people knew the place by reputation. They had streamed Yama: Attack to Attack, the 1985 documentary about neighbourhood activism, famous for bringing down the rage of organised crime and resulting in the murder of its original director during the production of the film, as well as his replacement after its completion. Even if the neighbourhood was no longer called Sanya (city authorities scrubbed it from maps in the 1960s), some of my guests knew that name from reading about labour struggles.

Sanya provided the foundation for a city now divided between tourists and guest workers. After the second world war, the men who arrived from the impoverished rural regions of the north became permanent residents for its cheap proximity to Ueno station, where the trains dropped them off. The crowded welfare barracks set up by the American occupation were taken over by landlords who carved them up to accommodate even more. The yoseba at Sanya functioned as an auction for human beings. Construction firms listed how many of each particular sort of worker they needed every workday – 10 men with experience pouring concrete, say, and 20 more unskilled labourers – and labour brokers descended on the slums before dawn to negotiate their wages.

The economic miracle fizzled. Sanya became a refuge for the homeless, a place for ward governments to redirect vagrants. The yoseba declined but never went away altogether. Foreign workers joined the natives in hoping for work, but by the time I began coming to Irohakai, there were only a handful of elderly men standing around. The mobbed-up labour brokers had been replaced by subcontractors or man-and-a-van renovation guys. I noticed only a few foreigners, probably Bengali or Nepali. There are better places to find employment.

The men who ran the flophouses and hostels had to adapt. Now they collected a daily housing allowance granted by the government from the demobilised migrant workers. They filled the rest of their beds with sightseers. Sanya, despite being one of the poorest sections of the city, became a tourist destination. As I told my visitors, when I first arrived in Tokyo, the arcade had a roof, which the local government and the developers since conspired to demolish, in part to stop the homeless from sitting under it.

They wanted to see the neon streets of the bubble economy years, still preserved in American media. They wanted to catch the girls in outrageous dresses posing in Harajuku for FRUiTS magazine’s freelancers taking “street snaps” like it was twentysomething years ago. They wanted, even if it would be gauche to admit, to play out their Lost in Translation Charlotte-and-Bob fantasies in a rundown karaoke box in a hip neighbourhood. They wanted to see the bathhouses converted into art galleries. My tour reminded them that Tokyo was just as cruel as anywhere else. “All of this will be gone soon!” I said. I meant it as a lament. They may have been relieved.

I f history is any guide, temporary residents will be swept away via deportations or pogroms, or when the next generation moves to the nicer parts of the city. Enclaves may never fill in for neighbourhoods, but neighbourhoods themselves do not last. Tokyo is a young city relative to many other foreign capitals, having become a centre of power only after the Meiji Restoration in 1868. There is little left of the old world, as most of the city was burnt or knocked down in the 20th century. Curtis LeMay torched and demolished 16 square miles with his B-29s. People were displaced. The city expanded again.

In my neighbourhood, most of the native Japanese came from somewhere else over the course of a generation – down from the north to work on the reconstruction of the city, or from the vast, sprawling suburbs. The shrine festivals of east Tokyo are attended by the new young couples, but there are too few dedicated locals left to observe the rites, so the shrine maidens tasked with handing out amulets in their white gowns are girls recruited through temporary labour websites, while stout country boys are hired to carry the shrines in the procession. The Japanese residents of my building are mostly old widows who arrived in the city after the war and whose children have relocated in favour of work and easier commutes. They have no real need to stay here and could be just as happy in Akabane, Minowa or Machiya as they are in Shitaya. The Edokko – someone whose roots in the city go back four generations or so – have always been rare. It is hard to find a number, but a single percent of the population is probably optimistic.

The prospect of being expelled from the city is terrifying. The residents who grouse to newspapermen about the sound of plastic wheels on the sidewalk hate the city, but they are more afraid of their shallow roots being dug up, of towers and chain coffee shops burying all traces of their existence. In a nation that gathers around Tokyo like the last torch in the encroaching dark, being asked to quit the city for a wretched exurban stretch of pachinko (pinball) parlours and family restaurants amounts to exile, even if we’re talking about the native soil of one’s own parents or grandparents. A government policy that offered cash in exchange for relocating out of the city was deemed a failure, and with good reason: to leave Tokyo would be to give up on the dream of Japan’s reconstruction, when the dignity and wealth of the nation was worth any sacrifice, when everyone was told they were witnessing a miracle.

Japan was a miracle! The transformation from a bloody empire to a placid failed democracy is remarkable – even more so because the Allied occupation left war criminals in charge. Its carefully managed postwar economy was a behemoth. Moderate prosperity and lifetime employment was guaranteed if you could tolerate the strictures of corporate life. But the men in charge put it all on black, went bust and made up their losses selling off what remained to foreign capital; Japanese socialism – the command economy responsible for public housing, employment for life and fast trains – was dismantled. Japan became hopeless, and the promised renewal has never come to pass.

And so, everyone is looking backward. The guest worker wants to relive the dream of the 1980s, when they could wash ashore in Japan from Fuzhou or Tehran and entertain hopes of striking it rich and returning home loaded down with foreign currency. The budget tourists photographing the maid cafe touts in Akihabara; the sex tourists in Kabukicho; the solemn, well-dressed tourists in the Andaz lobby; the busloads of elderly European tourists disembarking behind Sensō-ji; and the long-term sightseers who call themselves expatriates – they are no less nostalgic. They want the futuristic, clean, fashionable Japan they dreamed of when they were children.

I started meeting those important strangers who reached out to me in the perfumed lobbies of luxury hotels or in restaurants on the upper stories of Nihonbashi and Ginza department stores, choosing the sorts of places that a kyabakura hostess might take a client on a pre-shift date, gorging herself on steak and champagne before marching the man triumphantly into her establishment to be drained of more cash. They were disappointed with my doomsaying about the urbanist paradise. My guests didn’t want to hear that the future here, as everywhere, was human trafficking and budget tourism. Eating pigeon in the satellite branch of a Hong Kong barbecue shop on the upper floor of a crystalline tower, nobody wanted to be lectured about the replacement of housing projects and migrant worker slums with retail-residential complexes.

Political and business elites are enthusiastic for foreigners to solve the demographic collapse, prop up flaccid service sector consumption and reheat the real estate market. As those claiming citizenship pass from the city, its neighbourhoods can be optimised by city planners working for property developers, reconstituted with temporary residents who make fewer demands and who, if necessary, can be exsanguinated from the body politic.

Tokyo is preparing for such a future. But foreign labour has become harder to attract, as Japan grows poorer while its neighbours become wealthier. For tourism numbers to recover to their pre-pandemic peak, let alone grow, the yen would have to be kept at a price that drags down the rest of the economy – to say nothing of the difficulty of guaranteeing geopolitical and ecological stability.

The future will only come when people abandon their faith in sustainable development goals and omotenashi , or in the wisdom of converting red-light districts to duty-free shopping zones and knocking the roofs off the arcades to accommodate more hotels. At that point, there will no longer be enough physical or spiritual remnants to credibly resurrect even the least romantic visions of the past. Those left behind – the grandchildren of the enclaves and the less ambitious products of the expatriate neighbourhoods, the returnees from exile in suburbia, those who have held on – will face the problem of what is to be done with a city transformed to maximise investor confidence. An old society in a poorer country served by young people who have come from far away is one that must look elsewhere for new sources of hope. That is why I stay. If it is true – this time, after so many false starts – that Tokyo is the future, I would like to know what that means.

This piece was adapted from an essay titled Eastern Promises , in the Baffler issue 77, Expatriates

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‘The devil’s child’: the rise and fall of the only female yakuza

Keyword – News

Trefwoorden – The long read, Japan, Organised crime, Asia Pacific, features

Title – ‘The devil’s child’: the rise and fall of the only female yakuza

Author – https://www.theguardian.com/profile/sean-williams

Link – ‘The devil’s child’: the rise and fall of the only female yakuza

Publish date – 2026-05-21T04:00:02.000Z

Category – Lifestyle

Hyperlink – ‘The devil’s child’: the rise and fall of the only female yakuza

I n almost 40 years, Mako Nishimura never lost a fight. She told me this as if it were as obvious as night following day. Nishimura is 5ft-nothing and slight of build. She is also probably the only woman ever to have been a full-fledged yakuza, a member of Japan’s feared and rule-bound criminal underworld. She must have defeated many male gangsters. How, I asked her, did she do it? “First the legs,” she said, hands clasped, maintaining the calm demeanour of a village priest. “You cut him down with a club or a plank of wood.” Then you get to work.

Nishimura’s relaxed attitude to violence – you suspect, speaking to her, that it’s a little more than that – is what first caught the attention of yakuza members in 1986, when she was a 19-year-old runaway and former juvenile-prison inmate living in Gifu, a city near Nagoya. One night that year, Nishimura received a phone call. A pregnant friend named Aya was in trouble. Nishimura grabbed a baseball bat, ran down the street and found Aya surrounded by five men. When one of them kicked Aya in the belly, Nishimura yelled for her friend to run, then went for the attackers with her bat.

By the time the police arrived, the attackers were covered in blood and Nishimura had fled. She went into hiding 170 miles away in Tokyo. A fortnight later, when she returned to Gifu, a local man approached her in a nightclub. He was a member of the Inagawa-kai, one of Japan’s largest organised crime syndicates, and he wanted her to join. Nishimura was already in a biker gang called the Worst, who raced and robbed while dressed in the white jumpsuits of wartime kamikaze pilots. She was getting more deeply involved in serious crime, too, running sex workers and extorting local businesses, as well as selling – and taking – large quantities of methamphetamines. The Inagawa-kai man didn’t have the right energy, Nishimura thought. She turned him down.

Yakuza life nonetheless appealed. It offered respect, protection and, above all, the opportunity to make big money. A few days later, another yakuza sent for Nishimura. His name was Ryochi Sugino, and he ran a Gifu affiliate of one of Japan’s largest yakuza groups. Sugino was a convicted murderer but he was also charismatic and, somehow, paternal. Nishimura trusted him. “He had this aura,” she said.

Aged 20, she and an underboss shared sake at the gang’s downtown Gifu headquarters, a ritual known as sakazuki that formalised Nishimura’s entry into the yakuza, and established her loyalty to Sugino until death. Now, as the saying went, if Sugino told Nishimura a crow was white, she would have to agree. She was proud of her new identity, she told me. “Everything that was yakuza-like, I would do.”

Some of the men taunted her for being a woman. But they also appreciated the business she brought in, running girls and meth around Gifu. Unlike members of Italian mafias, who kick cuts of criminal profits up through a rigid hierarchy, yakuza operate more like franchises, with members paying a monthly tribute to trade off the syndicate’s threat of violence.

At the time Nishimura joined, the yakuza were thriving. Unlike many organised crime groups around the world, the yakuza did not consider themselves outsiders. They had long been institutionalised, having grown powerful with, rather than against, the state. They claimed a connection to feudal-era samurai and helped plunder Asia on behalf of imperial Japanese forces. By the middle of the 20th century, their image as patriotic felons had been further massaged by yakuza-owned movie and manga houses.

By the 1980s, when Nishimura became a member, the yakuza did not merely traffic guns, drugs and women; the gangs ran casinos, golf courses and high-rises, and extorted money from publicly listed corporations by threatening to disrupt their operations. The largest yakuza syndicates were worth hundreds of millions of dollars and were active on the stock market, with operations from Hawaii to Ho Chi Minh City.

But as Japan’s economic bubble burst in the early 90s, and a succession of scandals laid bare organised crime’s cosy relationship with politics, the Japanese public increasingly demanded that police crack down on the gangs. These days, after years of increasingly tough lawmaking, plus competition from international and tech-savvy crime syndicates, the yakuza are widely seen as a spent force.

Nishimura is no longer a member. She lives in a small, ground floor apartment near Gifu’s railway station, surrounded by plants and photos of the two sons whose adult lives she has – because of her criminal past and her drug addiction – mostly watched unfold from afar. When we met, across three days last autumn, Nishimura, 59, wore her hair in a dyed-blond ponytail, pulled through a rhinestone-studded baseball cap and paired with a white denim jacket and drainpipe jeans. The most visible signs she was once a yakuza are the lurid tattoos that spill on to her neck and hands, and the little finger missing from her left hand.

Nishimura has no desire to become a feminist icon. “I was a man,” she told me. “I had to behave like a man.” Nonetheless, she speaks of feeling ashamed of her decades of crime – much of it targeted at women – and she is attempting to add redemption to her repertoire. She has written a memoir about the highs and lows of life in the mob, and works for a charity to help ex-yakuza ditch the gangs for good. As the fortune of Japan’s historic underworld fades, Nishimura hopes her life’s latest chapter may just pull her own family back together, too.

A s a child, Nishimura devoured the stories yakuza told about themselves – particularly the swashbuckling rebels portrayed onscreen by stars such as Ken Takakura and Bunta Sugawara, who lived by a code: protect the weak and fight the strong. For Nishimura, that meant rebellion against her father, a disciplinarian civil servant whose parenting style, as she recalled it , involved flogging and flinging his children, half-naked, out in the cold. Anything from bad grades to slouching could be met with a beating. “Hard work,” he told Nishimura and her two younger brothers, “never betrays you.”

By the age of 14, Nishimura had joined a group of so-called “delinquents”, smoking cigarettes and cutting class. It was a “fresh experience”, she writes in her memoir, a “time of liberation and freedom”. But when Nishimura bleached her hair blond, it enraged her father. He shaved her head, and she arrived at school the next day with her head wrapped in a towel.

From then on, Nishimura became a habitual runaway, sleeping in cars or under the eaves of temples. She renamed herself Mako, meaning “the devil’s child”, and got the first of hundreds of tattoos that now cover almost her entire body. Some Nishimura did herself with a stick and poke – including the ones on her thighs, which hurt the most. “I can endure pain,” she assured me.

Aged 17, after a few months in juvenile detention for drug possession, Nishimura joined the Worst, one of hundreds of bōsōzoku (literally: “speed tribe”) biker gangs across Japan. Yakuza were often recruited from biker gangs, and it wasn’t long before Nishimura came on to the radar of a 40-year-old yakuza, who in turn introduced her to Sugino.

When Nishimura’s mother, Hiroko, discovered that her daughter had graduated from juvenile detention to become Japan’s sole female yakuza, she turned up at the gang’s HQ in Gifu. It wasn’t difficult to find: yakuza have registered offices, logos and even employees of the month. “Please take care of my daughter,” Hiroko begged Sugino. But Nishimura now had a second family – one that, she felt, accepted her for who she truly was.

For the first two years as a Sugino-gumi yakuza, Nishimura lived out a kind of probationary period, knocking off a list of daily chores that could include cooking (colleagues particularly enjoyed her potato salad), cleaning, laundry, working the reception desk or walking the boss’s two akita dogs, one of which had, according to legend, notched up four kills of his own and was thus named, unimpeachably, Dog Killer Maru.

The Sugino clan also taught Nishimura how to extort businesses, and to identify corruptible cops and politicians. (During the 1980s, a newspaper reported that one Gifu yakuza organisation retained a sitting member of the Diet, Japan’s legislature, as an “adviser”.) Nishimura used drug money to set up a sex worker service, then invested its profits in slot machines. She gave some of the cash she made to the elder of her two brothers, a struggling truck driver who himself had flirted with the mob. She lifted weights, learned karate and spent vast sums on tattoos, including designs worn by fabled kingpin Kenichi Shinoda.

One of the yakuza’s most profitable areas was the sex industry. Nishimura would deliver women to Watakano, a half-square-mile island 75 miles south of Gifu given the nickname Prostitute Island. Pimps might pay advances for good-looking girls, so Nishimura searched among Gifu’s indebted or drug-addled women for potential money spinners.

On one occasion, according to her memoir, just as Nishimura was about to close a deal for one of them, a young meth addict named Reiko, the girl ran away. Nishimura tracked her to Osaka, Japan’s second city, and paid a yakuza member to kidnap her again. Nishimura drove the terrified girl back to Gifu in her Mercedes, adding travel expenses, food and drug costs to her debt. You’ll have to clean up after yourself, Nishimura told her.

Nishimura then drove Reiko to a ferry terminal, where they boarded a dilapidated fishing boat before Nishimura passed the girl to a Watakano yakuza. Years later Nishimura ran into the girl. She had repaid her debt but she was vacant, and didn’t recognise Nishimura at all. Nishimura recognised her role in Reiko’s misery. But, she said: “If you are a yakuza, if you don’t do these sorts of bad things, you can’t really rise or become better.”

R ivals often called Nishimura the “little man”. She remains either the only or one of two women to have performed the sakazuki. (There is a woman in Osaka who may have done so before Nishimura, but she refuses to speak about her past.) Nishimura is the “exception that confirms the rule” of the yakuza’s strict patriarchal culture, according to Martina Baradel, an Oxford University academic and author of the books Yakuza Blues and 21st Century Yakuza. (In the early 1980s, the widow of the leader of Japan’s largest yakuza syndicate, the Yamaguchi-gumi, took over while her husband’s chosen successor languished in prison. But she never performed sakazuki.)

Occasionally Nishimura would make concessions to the underworld’s patriarchy – such as answering the phone at Sugino-gumi reception in a deeper voice. But she is insistent that nobody made a sexual advance on her, or treated her as anything other than a fellow member. Nishimura’s biggest threats arrived in other forms.

As her profits and status soared, Nishimura’s private life spiralled out of control. Drink had never agreed with her; neither had she enjoyed huffing paint thinner with her biker friends. But meth was another story. It kept her alert, and high, like her hair was standing on end, she said. The Sugino-gumi outlawed drug use, but Nishimura’s small apartment welcomed a rotating cast of gangsters and users, who sat around injecting meth.

It wasn’t long before Sugino discovered the gang’s addiction problem, and ordered Nishimura to apologise on their behalf in the yakuza way: by slicing off the tip of her little finger. Nishimura pinned the digit between a short sword and the ground, and stepped on the blade. But the sword slipped, and cut her finger diagonally. So she did it again, severing it a joint deeper, before heading to a nearby hospital whose staff filed the protruding bone, evened the bloody stump with nail clippers, and stitched it together. Then she returned to HQ, and handed the grisly remains to her boss. Seeing the nonchalance with which she’d performed the act, squeamish members would later come to Nishimura to perform it on them, too – which she did, gladly, and often for a fee.

Nishimura, now 21, had long since dropped out of contact with her father. Her mother, Hiroko, remained in touch, meeting her wayward daughter in secret, giving her money, and hoping that, one day, the family would reunite. But when police raided Nishimura’s apartment, they found methamphetamine, and a judge sentenced her to two-and-a-half years in prison for possession. While inside, she studied business law, and learned financial con-artistry from a fellow inmate.

When Nishimura was released in 1990, aged 24, she was met at the front gate by a yakuza guard of honour, driven to gang HQ, dressed in a suit and handed a million yen – about £4,700 today. The ceremony, known as demukai , “was an important rite of passage for the yakuza member,” according to an anthropological study from this period. “It was a symbol that the state’s rehabilitation efforts had failed.”

In prison, Nishimura had managed to get clean, but upon her release started taking meth again. She was renowned for her toughness, but inwardly the drug had made her a wreck. She grew paranoid, and suffered hallucinations. “I was worn out,” she writes. “Shadows looked like people; running water sounded like a human voice.”

B y the end of the 80s, the yakuza had lost their status. For decades, Japan’s gangs had maintained a reputation as outlaws stealing from the rich, composed of burakumin, a low-ranking social caste historically confined to “dirty” roles such as butchery and undertaking. But a series of high-profile scandals revealed that the bosses were living extravagant lifestyles and corrupting politicians. Fed up with their influence and with gangland violence, the public turned against them.

Even the yakuza film genre, so beloved of Japanese audiences through the 1950s and 60s, had changed. The hagiographies had given way to newer films, such as Boiling Point in 1990, which parodied their thuggery. In 1992, a film called Mob Woman depicted a female lawyer who successfully faced down the yakuza. After it screened, a trio of gangsters set upon the director, Juzo Itami, and slashed his face with knives.

Itami recovered; the Diet nonetheless enacted an anti-yakuza law prohibiting them from involvement in the stock market, collecting protection money and working as loan sharks. The law – which was similar to the 1970 US Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (Rico) Act – allowed authorities to designate yakuza as “violent groups”, enabling the seizure of assets and property.

It wasn’t just a matter of lost honour or prestige. The yakuza had ridden high on an economic miracle that carried Japan from postwar ruin to the world’s third-largest economy. But the bubble burst in 1990, wiping 60% off the value of Japan’s Nikkei stock index and devaluing the yen. Yakuza lost huge investments in global megaprojects, while foreign gangs outmuscled them in drug and sex markets they had previously dominated.

At its height in the 1960s, the yakuza had claimed to have more than 184,000 members in 5,000 syndicates – far more than the Italian and Italian-American mafias combined. According to police records, by the mid-1990s, yakuza numbers had dwindled to about 90,000. Gangsters from China, Vietnam and even Russia began moving in on the yakuza’s home turf. “The day when Japan is run by the world’s gangsters,” wrote the Sunday Mainichi magazine in 1992, “may not be far off.”

I n 1995, aged 29, Nishimura met a member of a rival clan at a yakuza dinner party in Gifu. He was 15 years her senior, and in a relationship. They began an affair and, six months later, Nishimura got pregnant. Motherhood changed her almost overnight. “I never thought I would die for anyone,” she said. “But when I had children, I started to think I could die for them.”

Nishimura’s lover had been on bail when they met, and he was rearrested while she was expecting. She couldn’t control the courts but she vowed to quit meth for good. Nishimura broke off contact with her Sugino-gumi colleagues, and stopped hanging out at their regular haunts. Her father had died several years before her child was born but Hiroko came to Nishimura’s house every day, delighting in her first grandchild. Hiroko and Nishimura even shopped together, like a normal mother and daughter. In some small way, Nishimura felt, the baby would repay the pain she had put her own parents through.

When the boy’s father emerged from prison, a year into his son’s life, and refused to leave the yakuza, Nishimura left him and moved from Gifu to Kasugai, a city closer to Nagoya and the village in which she had grown up. But motherhood didn’t offer the thrills of organised crime, and for years, she writes, “life seemed to stand still”.

When, in her son’s final year of nursery school, his father asked to give the relationship another try, Nishimura agreed. They moved into an apartment in Gifu together, and for a while things were good. But Nishimura couldn’t hold down administrative jobs, or work at a local nursing home. When employers saw her tattoos or missing finger, they would find a way to reject her.

She returned to crime – first running a massage parlour, then sourcing meth in Tokyo and selling it by the kilo. “I was impressed by how easily meth could be made into money,” she writes. “One drug deal could bring in several times the profit of one month’s worth of legitimate work.” Aged 39, Nishimura gave birth to her second son. Unlike her father, she didn’t beat her children, but she was surprised how strict she could be. “You understand the reason behind that severity,” she told me. “My father was right.”

All this time Nishimura had avoided her old yakuza colleagues in the Sugino-gumi. Instead, she assumed the role of gangster’s wife, cooking and cleaning for her partner’s men at their Gifu headquarters, even though she was the family’s main breadwinner. She and her partner fought, she says, sometimes violently: according to Nishimura, one time she hit him and he responded by throwing a kitchen knife at her.

Nishimura stayed off meth, but instead consumed prescription tranquillisers, eventually taking an entire sheet of 10 pills each day. She started dealing meth from her home, and police arrested her. They released her after 10 days, having searched the flat and found nothing but shipping labels. But one day in 2014, aged 48, Nishimura was hospitalised after taking enough pills to paralyse her. It was “like I was tied to the bed”, she writes.

When she was discharged, she reached out to her old yakuza friends. But time hadn’t been kind to them, either: Nishimura’s closest ex-colleague was an alcoholic, and the gang was broke. Yakuza once vowed never to harm or extort regular citizens, but they were now engaged in the kinds of digital romance scams Nishimura believed were below them, including those that targeted elderly people. The “responsibility to fight the bullies to help the weak”, she told me, seeming to forget her own cruelties, “is the core of yakuza thought. If it’s not like that, I don’t like it.” Soon afterwards, she left the gang for good.

T he fate of Nishimura’s former gang in Gifu reflected the decline of the yakuza across Japan. The 1992 anti-yakuza laws had curbed some of the gangs’ business, but companies or individuals still paid them to extort or intimidate. So, in 2011, Tokyo outlawed all financial transactions with them. Not only were yakuza now blocked from their main source of income, but members could not buy vehicles, open bank accounts or even register a sim card. Gone was the promise of a glitzy gangster lifestyle, and numbers plummeted.

One anecdote from recent years captures the diminished status of the yakuza. In February 2020, when a Covid-19 outbreak stranded the Diamond Princess cruise ship at Yokohama for a month, members of a local yakuza group offered to clean the stricken vessel. “Humans like us should do the dirty job,” said one high-ranking member. His offer invoked the mythical history of the yakuza’s origins in the low-caste burakumin . But it was also an attempt to score good PR: by this time, there were fewer than 30,000 yakuza, and one of their bosses was now offering to sweep shit off a ship’s decks. (Japan’s government refused the offer.)

Today, Japan’s criminal world is dominated by small, informal groups known as tokuryū , a term used by police to describe gangs without the rigid hierarchies or infrastructure of yakuza syndicates. Many orchestrate their crimes online, offering so-called yami baito , or shady part-time jobs, via social media, recruiting scammers for romance and crypto fraud.

Foreign gangs that were once hired muscle for the yakuza are now key players in Japan’s sex and drug trades. These gangs are “very flexible”, says Tadashi Kageyama, a senior managing director at risk advisory firm Kroll. “They partner up with the Chinese gangs, they partner up with the Vietnamese gangs, they partner up with the Russian mafia,” he told me. Modern organised crime is highly digital, says Kobe-based academic Wolf Herbert. “And the old yakuza? They don’t even have a smartphone.”

Japanese cops today arrest under half the number of foreign nationals they did 20 years ago. Nonetheless, foreign gangs have become a useful foil for Japan’s resurgent far-right. The prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, said in November that “members of the public feel anxiety and a sense of unfairness due to illegal acts … committed by a small number of foreign nationals”. Criminal monopolies – particularly those that, like the yakuza in its heyday, have captured a large portion of the police and judiciary – are less prone to violence than an underworld contested by several smaller gangs. Even Nishimura suggested to me that, “maybe it’s safer with the yakuza around than others”.

B y 2016, Nishimura had split from her partner. But partly because of her drug addiction, he won custody of their sons. Even her mother stopped visiting. Nishimura drifted through a succession of dead-end jobs, wondering if she would ever see her children, or her mother and brothers, again. She was alone, without even the down-and-outs in her former gang for company. And then she met Satoru Takegaki.

Takegaki had been a yakuza enforcer for 32 years, a tough guy who was close to the Yamaguchi-gumi boss. But over time he had grown disillusioned: money was scarce, and newcomers ignored the sense of honour and tradition that he believed should underpin yakuza life. When a boss’s son was gunned down in a dispute, Takegaki left the Yamaguchi-gumi altogether. There are, in theory, ways to retire from yakuza life. But Takegaki’s former colleagues didn’t accept his departure. They shot up his house, after which he installed CCTV cameras and slept with a sword by his side.

Soon after, in the city of Himeji, he founded Gojinkai, an NGO helping other yakuza leave the criminal life. By 2020, when Nishimura first met Takegaki, he was often quoted in the media predicting the yakuza’s demise. She began visiting the Gojinkai office once a month, joining Takegaki and other former yakuza in a street-cleaning exercise. It was “wonderful to see such a bigshot in the past taking the initiative to pick up trash”, she writes. Nishimura’s inability to leave her criminal past behind had left her poor, alone and jobless. But she was inspired by Takegaki. “If he can do it,” she thought, “so can I.” (I was unable to reach Takegaki for comment, though he told a Telegraph reporter in 2021 that the yakuza would be extinct “in 50 years, perhaps less … They will be the stuff of movies and legends, just like the ninja. Gone.”)

Gojinkai aimed to address a major issue for anyone trying to ditch the yakuza and join the legal economy. Authorities consider them members for five years after leaving – meaning they are left unbanked, unable to find employment, and more susceptible to rejoining the underworld. Ex-yakuza “are afloat in the grey zone,” says Herbert. “So there is no way for them to get out of the criminal scene.”

Working with Gojinkai gave Nishimura a sense of purpose. After the pandemic, Takegaki allowed her to open a branch just minutes from her old gang HQ in Gifu. She helps former members with housing and drug rehab, and finds work for some of them at a local demolition firm. “I want to let people know that whatever you’ve done in your past, you can still face the future,” she said. “And you can sort yourself out.”

Helping others’ rehabilitation felt like a small way to atone for her past. But Gojinkai was an unpaid gig: Nishimura was still just scraping by financially, and missing her two boys, who were now young men. She knew her eldest had become a champion kickboxer in Tokyo, and surrounded herself with pictures of his exploits. But she was poor and lonely. Above all, she wanted her family back.

T he Kogane shrine in Gifu is a complex dedicated to Shinto, Japan’s indigenous, animist faith. Some version of the shrine has stood on the same spot for almost 2,000 years, though it has been destroyed and rebuilt through a series of national calamities, from an 1891 earthquake to allied firebombing campaigns. Shinto has also become a key part of Nishimura’s post-yakuza reinvention. And on a chilly Sunday morning last October, she invited me to join her at Kogane, as she paid her respects alongside a white-robed priest.

Nishimura’s younger brother and mother joined us on the visit. Hiroko is even tinier than her daughter, with rosy cheeks and cropped, greying hair. She had kept secret her sporadic visits with Nishimura over the years. But in December 2024, alongside Martina Baradel, the author, mother and daughter sat together in the family home for the first time in decades – making sure to do so while Nishimura’s younger brother was at work. In the spring of 2025, mother, daughter and brother met at a Gifu cafe. They spoke for three hours. “We had to cry,” said Nishimura.

She apologised for the years of hurt she’d caused her brother. He, too, is missing a little finger: he claims he was only a yakuza for a short time, and went back to driving trucks after a year. He spoke about their childhood, about how Hiroko would fight their father, telling him not to be so harsh on the kids. When Nishimura stopped coming home around the age of 14, “it was hell”, he said. By the time of the reunion, he and his sister hadn’t seen each other for more than two decades.

Years of secrets and intermittent contact with her children had taken their toll on Hiroko. “I was missing them,” she said, bursting into tears. She was “anxious, worried about what they would do”. Nishimura, sitting opposite, wiped away a tear of her own.

Nishimura meets occasionally with her older son, who is now in his late 20s. His younger brother isn’t yet ready. For now, Nishimura knows that reuniting with Hiroko and her brother will have to do. “I’ve realised how important family is,” she told me.

She shrugged, perhaps uneasy with the sudden outpouring of emotion, then offered a rare hint that her sex had in fact protected her in her life of crime. “If I was a man,” she said, “I’d have been killed already.”

Hiroko beamed. “I didn’t even see it in my dreams” that she would ever share a moment with her kids like this. “I’m so happy,” Hiroko added. Tears kept streaming down her cheeks. “Every day I was thinking about her,” she said, pointing at Nishimura, the prodigal daughter, her painted hands wrapped around a coffee cup, “because she’s so cute!”

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This article was amended on 21 May 2026. Mako Nishimura is missing part of her little finger on her left hand, not her right hand as an earlier version said.